The Ghadar Movement

The Ghadar Movement was the first purely secular movement which aimed to liberate India by force of arms. The rebellion was planned in the United States and Canada. Funds were raised from Indians living in foreign countries. The headquarters of the movement were at San Francisco. Sohan Singh Bhakna was the President and Lala Hardyal was the General Secretary of the party. Pt. Kanshi Ram of Rupnagar District was the Treasurer of the Ghadar Party. A weekly paper called ‘Ghadari’ (The Rebellion) was started with Lala Hardyal as Chief Editor. Through the journal, the organisation got wide publicity and in course of time came to be known as the Ghadar party.

In the first issue of ‘Ghadar’ published on 1 November 1913, the objective of the party was started in the following words: “Today, there begins in foreign lands, but in our country’s language, a war against the British Raj …. What is our name? ‘Ghadar’. What is our work? ‘Ghadar’. Where will Ghadar’ break out? India. The time will soon come when rifles and blood will take the place of pen and ink.

Many articles and poems from ‘Ghadar’ were re-printed in booklets of which four became very popular, viz (i) Ghadar-di-Goonj (Echo of the Mutiny) (ii) Ilan-i-Jang (Declaration of War) (iii) Naya Zamana (The New Age) and (iv) The Balance Sheet of British rule in India. Echoes of the mutiny became very popular. The following extracts from ‘Gadar di Goonj’ indicate that the Ghadrites were highly inspired persons: -

Though Hindu, Mussulmans and Sikhs we be,

Sons of Bharat are we still,

Put aside your arguments for another day,

Call of the hour is to kill.

While we were all sunk in stupor,

The foreigners took over our government,

In pointless disputes we got involved,

Like quarrel some whores our time we spent.

Some worship the cow; others, swine abhor,

The while man eats them at every place,

Forget you are Hindu, forget you are Mussulman,

Pledge yourselves to your land and race.

‘Ghadar’ printed occasionally the following advertisement in its “wanted Columns”

Wanted -- Enthusiastic and heroic soldiers for organizing

Ghadar in Hindustan

Remuneration -- Death

Reward -- Martyrdom

Pension -- Freedom

Field of work -- Hindustan

In the Gurudwaras in the United States, Canada, Shanghai, Hong Kong and Singapore, it became customary to recite poems from Ghadar and hold discussions on political problems after evening prayers. Within a few months, the Ghadar party had the unanimous support of the entire Indian immigrant community of the Pacific Coast and had changed the Sikhs from the loyal British subjects to ardent revolutionaries.

As war clouds gathered over Europe, leaders of the Ghadar Party began to talk of utilizing the opportunity of Great Britain was involved in hostilities. Special supplements of Ghadar were published on 28 July and 4 August 1914, explaining to the readers their duty in the event of a war. Men were exhorted to volunteer for revolutionary service and funds were collected to pay for their passage. Several thousand men enlisted and there was a rush to catch boats leaving for India.

The Sijhs were also infuriated when the passengers of the ship Kamagata Maru, mostly Sikhs were harassed and were not allowed immigration to Canada. It also drew the attention of the world towards the plight of Indian Immigrants in Canada. The Punjabis living in foreign lands became ready for the revolution in India.

The first band of revolution sailed from San Francisco in August 1914 by the Korea. Ram Chandra, a leader of the party, addressed them in the following words: “Your duty is clear. Go to India. Stir up rebellion in every corner of the country. Rob the wealthy and show mercy to the poor. In this way gain universal sympathy. Arms will be provided for you on arrival in India. Failing this, you must ransack the police stations for rifles. Obey without hesitation the commands of your leaders.”

But the Ghadarites soon discovered to their chagrin that the political climate in India was far from conducive to revolution. They made desperate efforts to get some base in the peasantry. They went to religious festivals at Amritsar, Nankana Sahib (Pakistan), and Tarn Taran (Amritsar District) and openly exhorted the people to rise. There was little response, which were admittedly rather meager. Being short of funds, the Ghadarites had to take recourse to dacoities. One such dacoity was committed on 29 January 1915 in a village (Thanvi) in the then Malerkotla State. Plans were made to raid arsenals and government treasuries but they did not get much success in this respect. The Ghadrites were to equip themselves with bomb and hand grenades. Bomb factories were set up at Amritsar, Jhabal (near Ludhiana) and Lohat badi (Malerkotla Tahsil).

Inspite of the frantic efforts made by Kartar Singh Saraba, Pandit Kanshi Ram, Prithvi Singh and other revolutionaries, the Ghadar movement failed because of the leakage of information by Kirpal Singh who had been planted by the British among the Ghadarites. But the eruption of the Ghadar brought about a complete change in the outlook of the Sikh community. The return of the Ghadarites was the first live contract that the Sikh peasants experienced with politics of any kind. It marked the beginning of the end of three quarters of the century of unquestioned loyalty to the British raj. Although the rebellion was suppressed and submerged in the enthusiasm generated by the war, it continued to ferment and erupted a few years later and gave the Akali movement its more radical aspect. Akali terrorist known as the Babbars were largely recruited from the ranks of the Ghadarites to avenge the excesses perpetrated on the Sikhs. The Babbars went about from place to place preaching sedition and spreading disaffection. Jathedar Kishan Singh was the moving spirit behind the Babbar Akali movement. And, when the Ghadarites returned home after serving their terms of imprisonment, they formed the nucleus of the left-wing political movement in the Punjab, whether Socialist or Communist.

A number of revolutionaries participated in the Ghadar Movements from the Sangrur District. Most of the participants were from village Thikriwala (Barnala Tahsil). Santa Singh s/o Badan Singh of village Kaleke and Dyal Singh son of Badan Singh of village Dirba (Sunam Tahsil) were the members of the Ship Mommittee of Kamagata Maru.

Following three persons of Barnala Tahsil were arrested on charge of Joining the Mamagata Maru passengers at Budge Budge (Calcutta):

Sr. No.	Name	Father’s name	Village
1	Mastan Singh	Khan Singh	Moom
2	Chanda Singh	Surmukh Singh	Thikriwala
3	Jai Singh	Kala Singh	Bihla

Santa Singh, son of Punjab Singh of village Dudri (Barnala Tahsil) was one of the passengers of the above ship who was presumed to be killed. Moreover in connection with the Gadhar movement, the following persons of village thikriwala (Baranala Tahsil) had to undergo different terms of imprisonment in the Sri hargobindpur Conspiracy case of Gurdaspur District.

Serial no.	Name	Father’s name	Penalty
1	Sher Singh	Lehna Singh	7 Years, R.I.
2	Kesar Singh	Jwala Singh	3 Years, R. I.
3	Gundoo	Jwala Singh	3 Years, R. I.
4	Veer Singh	Ganesh Singh	21 Years, R. I.
5	Atma Singh	Arjan Singh	14 Years, R.I.
6	Bela Singh	Jiwan Singh	7 Years, R. I.

Punjab Riasti Praja Mandal

There were certain movements, such as the Punjab Riasti Praja Mandal or the kisan and Muzara Movement which took place in the princely states. These movements had a little or no impact in the then Jind State. But in the areas of Sunam. Bhawanigarh, Barnala, etc. which were then part of the Patiala State but now form a part of the Sangrur District, these movements had considerable impact. The Punjab States subject movement came into existence in 1928 under the name or the Punjab Riasti Praja Mandal. This organization at that time co-ordinated the activities of other States in India to bring the specific organization of the democratic lines. Its first meeting was held at Lahore on 30 December 1929. The main objects of the Praja Mandal were to agitate against the princely rulers and request them to rule on democratic lines. They were also requested to end their tyrannical rule and also the undue harassment to the political workers and release political detenues. At that time, in Patiala State autocracy prevailed. Political leaders were arrested, never to be released. In Jind State, laws were enacted to the detriment and distress of the people. Attitude of the administration of Jind State was oppressive. Fifty respectable residents of the State were imprisoned for raising voice in favour of the above mentioned movements.

In the first meeting in 1929 of the Mandal, held at Ludhiana, it was narrated that the subjects of the States were coerced by the suppressive measures of the rulers. Anybody who wished to seek some sort of reforms in any branch of the State administration was thrown in the jail without specifying the cause of his offence. False cases were often made against people involved in these activities. The princes bothered more to please political agents of the British Government than to care for the public. The second meeting of the Mandal was held in October 1930 at Ludhiana. The headquarters of the branches were made outside the State, such as at Ludhiana and Lahore. The Federal Scheme evolved in London at the Round Table Conference concerned only British territories and did not propose to give even a little of power to the people in the princely states. Whatever power fell to the share of princely state passed into the hands of the rulers. This scheme frustrated the mandal. Even the Indian National Congress did not interfere much in the matters of the states. The all India States People’s Conference was held in New Delhi in 1933. This conference discussed the difficult problems of the people of the princely states. It was stated that political activities were being curbed through unlawful means by the rulers. Fundamental rights were being denied to the people. The conference by passing the resolutions, and through speeches/memoranda apprised the rulers and the British government of the will of the people. By another resolution, the conference recommended the appointment of Non-official Enquiry Committee consisting of leaders from other provinces to go into the alleged maladministration of Malerkotla.

Sewa Singh thikriwala, popularly known as “Kirpan Bahadur” was the real hero of the Punjab Riasti Praja Mandal to raise the vice of the people against despotic rule in the princely state. He was able to organize the Muzara Movement, Kirti Kisan Sabha, Akali Agitation and Biswedari Movement. He belonged to Tahsil Anahadgarh now called Barnala. Ever since an abdication of the Ex-Maharaja Ripudaman Singh of nabha, he was actively organizing Akali agitation in favour of the exiled Maharaja against the British Government. False charges were framed by the erstwhile Patiala State against him and he was imprisoned many times, tortured and released at will of the administration. He was arrested for the last time in November 1930. He died in jail in 1934.

The death of Sardar Sewa Singh Thirkriwala caused a serious setback to Riasti Praja Mandal Movement, yet the movement received a great impetus by the death of Maharaja Bhupinder Singh in 1938. The Congress Mandal also joined Praja Mandal. The first elections of Praja Mandal of Patiala State were held at Sunam.

The acting president of the Punjab Riasti Praja Mandal, alone bad gone from Patiala State, to attend the meeting of All India Congress Working Committee at Bombay. On return, he wanted to start Disobedience Movement but could not do son on account of poor response from the Mandal. At Sunam, meeting in sympathy with the fasting Mahatma Gandhi was held in cemera but before any further programme could be finalised, the acting president of the Mandal was arrested by Ambala Police at Sunam railway station.

On 11 July 1936, the meeting of the Kisan Movement was held at village Longowal in the Sangrur District. Hira Singh Bhathal, with his wife and others again reached Longowal to join the conference, but they were forced to leave the village. For the third time on 24 July 1936, Karam Singh Mann. Bar-at-Law, Lahore, who was elected to preside over the conference, reached Longowal along with others. They were persuaded by friendly villagers to return as no conference could be held there. In 1937, Punjab Riasti Praja Mandal decided to hold Kisan conference shortly.

Accordingly, the First Kisan Conference was held in village Kamalpur, P. S. Jagraon. District Ludhiana, on 2 January 1938, wherein the zamindars were asked not to pay land revenue, etc. Consequently, the Praja Mandal workers set out for forming committee at district and tahsil levels, particularly in Sunam. By 1939, there were 866 members of Kisan Committee, out of which 782 were in Sunam District and 65 in Barnala District.

The vice-President of the All India Kisan Sabha, N. G. Ranga, announced in 1939 to 1939 to observe 1 September 1939 as “Forth-All-India Kisan Day” but due to one reason or the other it could not be observed in the princely states. Another Kisan Conference was held at Bopa Rai Khurd In Raikot, Ludhiana District, on 9 September 1939. Thereafter the Kisan Movement and Muzara Movement so intermingled in their activities and objectives that they could be distinguished only in nomenclature.

The Muzara Movement was started by the Discontented elements among the Muzaras (Tenents) for the non-payment of batai (Share of crop) to biswedars (landlords). It had its origin in baranala District. Its main object was to incite the tenants against the payment of batai to the biswedars they voiced the grievances of muzaras against biswedars by holding meeting out-side the State, at Budhalada in Hisar District (Haryana). A Muzara Committee was formed and it was resolved to request the Maharaja Patiala through deputations to settle their out standing disputes with biswedars. But the Maharaja did not pay heed to their demands. Accordingly, they were constrained to approach the British Government for redress of their grievances. Consequently, a muzara jatha started on foot towards Shimla. The members of jatha came back and only five of them set out from Chamkaur Sahib (Rupnagar District) to meet the Resident, and the latter referred their case to the Patiala State. Accordingly, the deputationists met Revenue Minister, Patiala, who assured to redress their grievances. Thereafter, the deputationists narrated the proceedings to their jatha. The Patiala State Government appointed a Commission, but the tenants were not allowed by land lords to present their case before the Commission.

Consequently, agitation was started for the non-payment of batai to biswedars. In view of these activities the authorities threatened the muzaras to be proceeded against legally, should they decided to meet the Resident. Under these conditions, the members of the jatha assembled at Budhlada and left for Kasu Begu by train and thereafter marched on foot to Lahore to present their case to the Resident. Again they were not allowed to see the Resident on the ground that their case was still under consideration of the Commission. They returned on 12 July 1939 to their villages.

During 1940-41 the muzaras held meetings at Budhlada (Hisar), Taktupura (Firozpur) and Sehna (Ludhiana) and demanded the early publication of the Inquiry Report of the Commission. In 1942 muzaras with their leaders reached Patiala to lay their grievances before the Resident who happened to be there in connection with an industrial exhibition.

Thereafter the activities of the Muzara Movement and Kisan Movement fell into the hands of Communists. In 1942, the District Magistrate, Sunam issued notices in connection with the banning of the communist conference at Ugrahan.

The Kisan Conference was organized jointly by the Communist Party and the muzaras of the State in general and those of tahsils Mansa (now in Bathinda District) and Sunam in particular, at village Rar (Tahsil Mansa) District Bathinda. Another Kisan conference was held in 1945 to protest against the pre-planned looting and beating of Patiala State Muzaras the State officials and biswedars.

Through public meeting, the Punjab Riasti Praja Mandal was voicing its demand for responsible Government. For the first time the people in the states were witnessing open criticism of the autocratic rule of the princes. According to the Praja Mandal, the only solution for the ills was full responsible Government with the rulers as constitutional heads and the only way to achieve it was through a people’s struggle.

India’s Independence in August 1947 brought about little change in the attitude of the princes, at least in the East Punjab. The much awaited reforms were to wait for about a year more. The Praja Mandal and the Akalis continued with their demands and remained quarrelling over the details of future set up, but after a very short interval, they patched up their differences, forged a united front and started demanding a responsible government. The Akalis issued an ultimatum to the East Punjab State to introduce responsible government of face a morcha. The Praja Mandal already been threatening a struggle. So the reforms could no longer be postponed.

The situation in other states was also showing signs of unrest. Of the six smaller states the three—Nabha, Jind and Faridkot – witness Praja Mandal—led satyagraha which gave lot of headache to the rulers and their administration. Kapurthala, Kalsia and Malerkotla remained comparatively quit but there too the new post-war spirit of awakening was quite evident. In these states too, the Praja Mandal was very weak. The Muslims were predominantly on the side of the Nawab and the peasantry sides with the Akalis and the Communists. The State was an exception to the mass slaughter and emigration of the Muslim population in the wake of country’s partition. In the towns of malerkotla and Ahmedgarh where Hindus were in substantial numbers, some activity of the Praja Mandal was witnessed and the State promised to introduce constitutional reforms.

From the above account, it is clear that there was great upsurge among the people of nearly all the states, although political rivalries among various groups and parties were also growing. Now it was not the old simple battle between the rulers and the Punjab Riasti Praja Mandal. Instead it was a battle for supremacy also. Events were moving fast and the issue of constitutional reforms could no longer be shelved. In Malerkotla and Jind. The rulers promised to introduce these reforms at the earliest. The lead was given however, by the Maharaja of Patiala who announced constitutional reforms at his Birthday Durbar in January 1948. It was followed by other states.

All this showed that it was no longer possible for states to continue in their old ways. The Praja Mandal was on the war path. Administration was crisis-ridden and the Central Government at Delhi was none to sympathetic. In such a situation the movement for merger of these states gained ground. The Praja Mandal’s stand was quit clear on this issue. A non-official poll taken by the Jind State Praja Mandal in Jind and Charkhi-Dadri (in Haryana) showed that people there overwhelmingly wanted merger with the Punjab. The traders were also anxious to move out of the oppressive atmosphere of the states and breathe in the free air of the Punjab where the political, economic and administrative conditions were better and far more satisfactory.

With formation of the PEPSU , the Praja Mandal also changed its name to the PEPSU Pradesh Congress. All the princes in the East Punjab States except the Maharaja of Patiala were not given even constitutional head of the State and the real power passed into the hands of peoples’ representatives. On 1 November 1956, on the reorganization of the states, the PEPSU was merged with Punjab. With this even the constitutional position of the Maharaja of Patiala ended. This was in fact the en of one era and the beginning of another. The Praja Mandalists now claimed that they had achieved consummation of the great struggle which they had launched nearly thirty years earlier.

Shahid Udham Singh

Though the people of the States remained suppressed under the oppressive rule of their rulers, yet they played a significant role in the freedom movement of the country. The people of Sangrur District were not lagging behind in this respect. They are proud of Shahid Udham Singh, born on the soil so Sunam in Sangrur District, who played a commendable role in the freedom struggle along with many other heroes of this district and the country as a whole. A brief life sketch of this great martyr is being given in succeeding paragraphs:

Udham Singh was born on 26 December 1899 at Sunam. As ill luck would have it, both Udham Singh and his brother Sadhu Singh became orphans at a very tender age. One Chanda Singh, resident of Sunam, took mercy on them and got them admitted to an orphanage in Putlighar (Amritsar). When Udham Singh was being brought up at the orphanage and receiving his education, the whole environment in the country was surcharged with revolutionary favour. This type of atmosphere stirred up the revolutionary in Udham Singh to earn him a place of pride in history. The Jallianwala Bagh Tragedy on Baisakhi day in 1919 resulting in massacre of thousands of innocent people at the hands of General Dyer further heightened his resolve to play a significant role in the freedom struggle of the country. He resolved to avenge the death of thousands of his innocent compatriots who had gathered only to demand independence for their country at the public meeting.

In order to fulfill the cherished mission of his life. Sardar Udham Singh managed to reach England in 1923. But he had to leave England as he was recalled by Sardar Bhagat Singh to India. He took an active part in the anti-British activities at Lahore and as such was awarded rigorous imprisonment for the period of four years. After his release in 1932, he again reached England to fulfill his fulfill his mission. By this time, General Dyre had died of paralysis. Sir Michael O’ Dwyer and Lord Jetland, the other two responsible for Jallianwala bagh Tragedy were to participate in the seminar to be arranged in Caxter Hall on 13 March 1940, as representatives of Central Asian Society and East Indian Association. The hall was packed to the full and Sardar Udham Singh managed to reach near the stage. When Sir Michael O’ Dwyer returned to his seat after delivering a very emotional speech, he was shot dead by Udham Singh, who did not attempt to run from the scene, but the voluntarily offered himself for arrest in order to warn the British Government against excesses with the Indian people. This daring step of Sardar Udham Singh gave a new spirit to the young revolutionaries of the country. Though Sardar Udham Singh was hanged on 31 July 1940, on the charge of murder, his sprit continued to inspire the minds of freedom loving people of this country. The remains of this great martyr were brought to Sunam, his home town on 31 July 1974 from England and were finally cremated with full State honours. In order to pay the deepest homage to Shahid Udham Singh, a memorial has also been raised at Sunam.

The Impact of the visit of Netaji Subhash Chander Bose. – Since the area of Sangrur District fell in the princely states, it was not frequently visited by national leaders due to various restrictions imposed by the native rulers. Still from time to time, the national leaders to repute made short visits to inspire people for the noble cause of freedom. In 1938 Netaji Subhash Chander Bose, while going from Lahore to Hisar in a train, inspired the people of this area for a revolution. He made short but inflammatory speeches at staions when the train halted for some time. Such speeches were delivered at dhuri, Sangrur, Sunam and Lehragaga in the district. At sunam, Netaji addressed a very large gathering. He exhorted the people to be ready for great sacrifices and not to be afraid of princes, while struggling for independence. The visit of Netaji had much impact on the minds of the suppressed people of this area.

Independence and its aftermath

At the time of Independence in 1947, Raja Ranbir Singh was ruling the Jind State with headquarters at Sangur. Accordingly, with the rest of the country, the Jind State also became free from the British paramountcy. As in the rest of the country, people celebrated achievement of Independence with great enthusiasm. Among the states, Maharaja Yadavindra Singh of Patiala played a significant role in the history of India by his sympathetic alliance and co-operation with nationalist force of the country and took a leading part in the negotiations with British Cabinet Mission in 1946. He son moulded the opinions of the ruling Princes as to bring them in line with the progressive leaders of the country and helped them achieve independence particularly in the crisis of 1947 when it was feared that some of them might play an obstructive role.

Under the independence Act of 1947, India was declared a free nation with Dominion status with effect from 15 August 1947. As a result of this epoch-making change, Punjab was partitioned. A part from the administrative divisions of personnel and assets, the most disturbing factor in the process which had not been clearly foreseen or provided for was the mass migration of the members of different communities from the West Punjab to the East Punjab and vice-versa. The intensity of disturbances was also felt in the Sangrur District alongwith adjoining areas. Though there was a lot of bloodshed during the partition period areas. Though there was a lot of bloodshed during the partition period in the whole of the district, Malerkotla State was an exception to it. A great consideration was shown towards the Mohammedans of Malerkotla because of the fact, when Guru Gobind Singh’s sons were bricked alive by Wazir Khan, the Governor of Sirhind, it was only Sher Mohammad Khan, the then Nawab of Malerkotla who condemned the heinous crime. Even though the wholesale transfer of communities had not been envisaged in the constitutional provisions, the force of circumstances compelled the people to be uprooted en masse and leave their hearths and homes to seek security and safety across the borders. The number of people moving with whatever they could collect, exceeded the wildest calculations of the respective Governments who were found utterly unprepared for the greatest exodus in history. The exodus of non-Muslims from all parts of West Pakistan into the East Punjab disrupted the whole economy and created a situation without paralled. Immediate measures had to be adopted for the relief and resettlement of the vast uprooted population suddenly reduced to a stage of utter penury and misery. Large number of refugees were completely demoralized on account of want and destitution. The partition found the entire government, machinery in the state of paralysis. In the face of the colossal problem, prompt action was taken by the State and Central Government to arrange for the speedy relief and resettlement of the refugees and restore ordered life in the state. Simultaneously a programme for their effective rehabilitation was launhed and was completed in phases over several years.

Formation of PEPSU and its Merger with Punjab

The Patiala and the East Punjab States Unions, or the PEPSU as it was popularly called, had come into existence on 20 August 1948, with the integration of the Princely States of Patiala, Nahba, Jind, Faridkot Kapurthala, Kalsia, Nalagarh and Malerkotla. This union came into being under the active guidance of Sardar Vallabha Bhai Patel who was then Home Minister and incharge of Indian State Department. Maharaja Yadavindra Singh of Patiala was appointed as the Rajparmukh (Head of State). Similarly, Malerkotla, an independent erstwhile princely Muslim State, was declared a Tahsil of the Sangrur District. At this time, the Jind State with minor variation was changed into Sangrur District. Some of the parts of the erstwhile Jind State were ceded to Mohindrgarh District (Haryana) and Sunam, Bhawanigarh, Tapa and Barnala area formerly a part of erstwhile princely state of Patiala were attached to the Sangrur District.

The States Reorganisation Commission which had been appointed by the Government of India on 29 December 1953, submitted its report in 1955 and recommended the merger of the PEPSU with Punjab. The Government accepted the Commission’s recommendation implemented it with effect from 1 November 1956. Thus, with this merger, the loss suffered by the Punjab due to the partition of the province, with 17 districts gone to Pakistan, was to some extent compensated.

The boundaries of the district further underwent a change on the reorganization of Punjab in 1966. Jind and Narwana tahsils were transferred to the newly created State of Haryana. At present, the district has four tahsils, viz. Malerkotla, Sangrur. Sunam and Barnala.

CHAPTER III

PEOPLE

	Contents
Ø	Population
Ø	Language
Ø	Religion and Caste
Ø	Social life
Ø	Rehabilitation

(a) Population

(i) Total Population

According to the 1981 Census, the total population of the district was 14,10,250, comprising 7,58,058 males, forming 53.76 per cent of the total population, and 6,52,192 females, forming 46.24 per cent of the population. Of the total population of the district, 10,88,609 (77.19 per cent) live in rural area while 3,21,641 (22.81 per cent) live in urban areas. Of the people living in rural areas, 5,87,170 were males and 5,01,439 females. Out of those living in urban areas, 1,70,888 were males and 1,50,753 were females.

Growth of Population. – Population of the district increased by 18.69 per cent during 1971—81 as against the decadal increase of 20.16 per cent during 1961-71. The variation in population during the last thirty years in shown in the following table:

Decennial variation in population of the

Sangrur District 1951—81

Years	Persons	Decade Variation	Percentage decade variation	Males	Female
1951	.. 7,67,017	N. A.	N. A.	4,21,309	3,45,708
1961	.. 9,54,307	+187,290	+24.42	5,20,792	4,33,515
1971	.. 11,46,650	+192,343	+20.16	6,23,090	5,23,560
1981	.. 14,10,250	+2,63,600	+22.99	7,58.058	6,52,192

(Census of India, 1971 Series 17 Punjab Part II-A, General Population Tables, p. 72 and Census of India 1981, Series – 17 Punjab, Part II- General Population Tables)

Emigration and Immigration. – According to the 1961 Census, out of the 9,54,307 persons enumerated in the district, 68 per cent were born at the place of enumeration. In the rural area, this percentage comes to 71 per cent and in the uaban area to 53.5 per cent.

About 82.4 per cent of the male population was born where they were enumerated against the female percentage of 50.9 the low figure for females arises from the extra factor of their leaving the ancestral places on marriage.

Another 12.4 per cent of the population was born at another place within the district. This percentage was 6.8 in the case of males and 24.6 in the case of females. Similarly, this percentage was 6.8 in the case of males and 24.6 in the case of females. Similarly, this percentage in the case of persons born in the other districts of Punjab was 6 and 20 per cent, respectively which was again due to the factor of marriage. Even in this case the percentage of males was higher than the percentage of females.

The Punjab born persons formed 95.4 per cent of district population the remaining 4.6 per cent hailed from areas shown below:

Place of birth	Number
Other state of India	.. 11,806
Pakistan	.. 51,110
Other countries	.. 623
Information	.. 29
Total	.. 63,568

(Census of India 1961, Punjab District Census Handbook No. 17, Sangur District, p. 26)

Persons born in other Indian States were from Uttar Pradesh (7,034) Rajasthan (3,365) and Delhi (1,407).

The Pakistan born persons (51,110) were mostly those who migrated to the district in the wake of the partition of the country (1947). The persons reported to have been born in countries other than Pakistan were mostly the children of the Punjabis who in their youth went abroad and had now come back or had sent back their children.

Density of Population. – As per 1981 Census, density of population of the Sangrur District was 276 persons per sq. Km. As against 225 persons per sq. km. in 1971.

The tahsil-wise density of population of the Sangrur District according to the 1981 Census, is given in the following table:

Tahsil/District	Density of Population Per sq. km.
	Total	Rural	Urban
Sangrur Tahsil	274	203	3,445
Sunam Tahsil	238	196	5,076
Malerkotla Tahsil	342	261	8,899
Barnala Tahsil	255	204	2,783
Sangrur District	276	216	4,362

(Census of India 1981, Series 17 – Punjab, Part II, General Population Tables)

Sex Ratio. – According to the 1981 Census, out of the total population of 14,10,250 of the district 7,58,058 were males and 6,52,192 were females, i.e. a ratio of 53.56: 46.24. In the Sangrur District, there were 860 females per 1,000 males against the corresponding figure of the Punjab State which stood at 879. However, during the last thirty years, there has been a little improvement in favour of females which is revealed from the following table:

	Females per thousand males
Year	Sangrur District			Punjab
	Total	Rural	Urban	Total	Rural	Urban
1951	821	816	840	844	854	807
1961	832	828	849	854	865	817
1971	840	832	874	865	868	856
1981	860	854	882	879	884	865

(Census of India 1971, Series 17—Punjab Part II-A, General Population Tables, p. 69 and Census of India 1981 Series – 17 Punjab Part II, General Population Tables)

Age Composition. – In the following table the population of the district, according to the 1961 Census, is distributed into various age groups. With a view to comprehending the comparative strength of these groups, the totals have uniformaly been taken as 1,000:

	Total						Rural Urban
Age-Group	Persons		Males		Females		Males		Females		Males		Females
1	2		3		4		5		6		7		8
All ages	1,000		1,000		1,000		1,000		1,000		1,000		1,000
0-9	310.4		302.2		320.2		302.8		319.6		299.4		323.7
10-14	128.0		126.1		130.3		127.0		130.8		121.8		127.7
15-19	88.8		89.3		88.2		89.0		88.0		91.2		89.3
20-24	80.7		77.8		84.0		76.3		83.0		85.4		89.2
25-29	76.5		75.1		78.1		74.4		77.8		78.6		79.9
30-34	60-2		58.8		61.8		57.6		61.3		64.8		64.2
35-39	45.7		45.2		46.4		44.4		46.0		49.0		47.9
45-49		36.2		37.6		34.4		37.6		34.6		37.8		33.4
50-54		40.1		43.3		36.3		44.0		37.0		39.5		32.7
55-59		19.1		21.6		16.2		22.0		16.3		19.6		15.5
60-64		28.3		31.6		24.5		32.5		25.0		26.9		22.1
65-69		10.7		12.9		8.1		13.3		8.2		11.2		7.5
70+		25.4		28.7		21.4		29.7		21.9		23.5		18.5
Age not stated		0.7		0.7		0.7		0.7		0.8		0.3		0.4

(Census of India, 1961, Punjab District Census Handbook No. 17, Sangrur District p. 23)

Too much reliance cannot be placed on the inferences drawn from these figures, since a district is a small geographical area and the inflow and outflow of population in various age-groups as a disturbing factor can be quite substantial.

The age pyramid has a broad base and tapers rather obliquely 310 persons per thousand of the population were below the age of 10, and only 48 were of 55 years and above. Roughly speaking, four out of every 10 persons were below the age of 15.5 in the group 15 years to below 55, and only one past the age of 55 but below 55.5 males bellow the age of 15 years were 428 per 1,000; corresponding figures for females 450. For ages between 15 and below 55 years, the males counted 476 per thousand males but the women were 479. In ages 55 years and above the male were 96 an females were only 71.

Large number of persons shift from villages to towns for education and employment. The low paid men leave their families in village homes and live in towns by themselves. When past the age of useful work some among them return to villages. The effect of this type of movement is reflected in the statistics of rural and urban age composition. For age groups below 15,15 to below 55, and 55 years and above, the distribution among males is 430,472 and 98 per thousand males in the rural areas and 421,497 and 82 in the urban area. The corresponding figures for females in rural areas are 450,478 and 72 and in urban areas 451,485 and 64.

Martial Status. – In the following table, population in various age groups in the district, according to the 1961 Census is further distributed according to their marital status. To comprehend the significance of these statistics, one thousand males and one thousand females for the Sangrur District as a whole and for rural and urban areas are distributed according to their marital status:

One thousand males and females according to 1961 Census in the

Sangrur District classified according to Marital Status

	Total		Rural		Urban
Marital Status	Males	Females	Males	Females	Males	Females
1	2	3	4	5	6	7
Total	1,000	1,000	1,000	1,000	1,000	1,000
Never married	571	481	570	476	572	503
Married	381	452	380	455	388	434
Widowed	47	66	49	67	38	62
Divorced or Separated	1	1	1	1	1	1
Unspecified	N	N	N	N	N	N

(Census of India, 1961, Punjab District Census Handbook No 17, Sangrur District, P. 23)

About 57 per cent males and 48 per cent females were unmarried. Higher proportion of unmarried males is because of shortage of females which aspect has been studied earlier. Correspondingly, there is a higher proportions among married females than males.

The proportion of married males is higher in towns than in villages. This proportion is reverse incase of married females. This is because a large number of males shift from villages to towns for livelihood leaving their families behind.

(ii) Distribution of Population between Rural and Urban Areas.

The following table show the tahsil-wise distribution of population between rural and urban areas in the district, according the 1981 Census: -

District/Tahsil	Persons	Males	Females
Sangrur District	14,10,250	7,58,058	6,52,192
Rural	10,88,609	5,87,170	6,01,439
Urban	3,21,641	1,70,888	1,50,753
Malerkotla Tahsil	4,47,670	2,39,731	2,07,939
Rural	3,37,940	1,81,469	1,56,471
Urban	1,09,730	58,262	51,468
Sangrur Tahsil	2,46,513	1,32,534	1,13,979
Rural	1,78,505	96,471	82,034
Urban	68,008	36,063	31,945
Sunam Tahsil	3,37,037	1,82,573	1,54,464
Rural	2,75,157	1,49,758	1,25,399
Urban	61,880	32,815	29,065
Baranala Tahsil	3,79,030	2,03,220	1,75,810
Rural	2,97,007	1,59,472	1,37,535
Urban	82,023	43,748	38,275

(Census of India 1981, Series --- 17 Punjab, Part II, General Population Tables)

PEOPLE

(iii) Displaced Persons

Partition of the country in 1947 forced migration of the people on a large scale. While it is true that the extent of violence and the size of loss of human life might have been more elsewhere, yet the number of people who had to migrate from one place to another during the partition was undeniable the largest in the history of mankind. As in other districts of Punjab, majority of the Muslim population from Sangrur District also migrated to Pakistan (the town of Malerkotla still has the largest concentration of Muslim population compared to any other town in Punjab), whereas, a large number of Hindus and Sikhs displaced from Pakistan took refuge in the district.

There is no doubt that there was lot of bloodshed on both sides of the Punjab, during the holocaust of 1947. The Hindus, the Sikhs and the Mohammedans of the Punjab had to migrate enmass to their new homelands amidst much carnage. However, the behaviour meted out to the Mohamedans of Malerkotla was an exception. They were persuaded to stay in India and were granted the fullest protection. Malerkotla is the only place in the whole of Punjab (India) where Muslims are still in a large number. During the holocaust of 1947, the Muslims are still in a large number. During the holocaust of 1947, the Muslim of Malerkotla were spared by the Sikhs, Mainly on historical considerations. When the two young sons of Guru Gobind Singh were being bricked alive in the walls under the orders of Subah (Governor) of Sirhind, the then Nawab of Malerkotla, Sher Mohammed Khan, was the only one to protest against the heinous crime. He advised the Subah to spare the two innocent lives and said, “The sins of the father should not be visited upon the tender sons. If we cannot defeat the Guru, why wreak vengeance upon poor little ones”. His protest was ignored by the Subah. However, this act of the Nawab of Malerkotla did not go unrewarded. Sikhs as grateful followers of the Guru, showed due consideration not only to the family of the Malerkotla ruler but also to his Muslim subjects in 1947 and any Muslim who had entered the territory of Malerkotla State was spared by the Sikhs.

However except from Malerkotla proper, a large number of Mohammedans migrated to Pakistan from the district. The vacuum created by the out-going Mohammedans, was filled up by a large number of the Hindus and the Sikhs dislocated from Pakistan. Since Sangrur District was devoid of industry and commerce, it failed to attract a large number of displaced persons as some other districts of the Punjab. Barnala and Sangrur tahsils of Sangrur District accommodated a larger number of displaced persons as compared to Malerkotla and Sunam tahsils. The displaced persons settled in the district mainly belonged to layallpur (now Faisalabad), Sialkot, Lahore, Gujranwala, Sheikhupura, Montgomery and Bhawalpur district of Pakistan.

The partition of Punjab and the subsequent mass migration introduced the new element of refugees in the social set up of the East and the west Punjabs. Refugees from the West Punjab mingled with the inhabitants of the East Punjab. This mingling of the population led to so many new social developments. A large number of the Sikhs and Hindus from the Rawalpindi and Multan divisions who were engaged in trade resettled in the backward towns and villages of the East Punjab. This quickened in the backward town and villages of the East Punjab. This quickened the pulse of social life. The drab bazaars with ill-kept shops were completely changed, yielding place to well stocked and orderly shops. The refugee shopkeepers greatly increased the circulation of goods even in the villages. The townsmen in the districts of the East Punjab were socially backward and their women kept purdah. The vivacious refugees women, particularly from the Rawalpindi Divisions, brightened the town life. The free and easy culture of the West Punjab had a liberalizing influence on the women of the East Punjab, who, emulating the example of their sisters from the West Punjab, began to discard the purdah.

(b) Language

There is no uniformity in the language spoken by the people of the district. The main reason for this is that this district has a unique structure. It contains portions of erstwhile Jind, Patiala, Nabha and Malerkotla states. Some of its areas were under British domination. Accordingly, the people of Sangrur District as a whole, have mixed language. There is however, no doubt that Punjabi is the predominantly spoken language in the district.

In Malerkotla Tahsil, and particularly in Malerkotla Town, because of the considerable proportions of the Mohammedan population, there is impact of Urdu language which is spoken by a number of people. The area of Barnala Tahsil falls in close proximity with the area of Bathinda District. The language of its people is typical Malwai. Bangru is not unknown in a few villages of Moonak and Khanauri sub-tahsils (Tahsil Sunam) which border with the Narwana Tahsil of Jind District (Haryana). In 1872 when Sangrur town was made the capital of the erstwhile Jind State, many families of Jind area (now falling in Haryana) settled at Sangrur for the purpose of employment, etc. naturally, the language of these people, serving in various departments of Government, has had some impact on the language of the people of Sangrur.

The following languages are thus spoken in the Sangrur District :

(1) Punjabi.

(2) Hindi

(3) Bangru

(4) Urdu

The typical traits of the language spoken in various parts of the Sangrur District re being discussed in the succeeding paragraphs. The language of the rural people of Malerkotla Tahsil is Punjabi. As the Ahmadgarh area lies very close to the area of Ludhiana District, its language almost resembles with that of people of Ludhiana Tahsil. However, the language of the people of Malerkotla proper is a mixture of Punjabi, Hindi, Urdu and Sindhi.

The language of Sangrur tahsil has some deviation from the language of the other tahsils. As already stated above, Sangrur was the capital of Jind State and accordingly people from Dadri, Safidon and Jind (Haryana) etc. settled at Sangrur which was their State headquarters. Thus, the local people of Sangrur are under the influence of haryanvi dialect to some extent. Still many local people of Sangrur living in different mohallas speak different dialects. The book entitled ‘Badrukha’ Published by the Language Department, Punjab, also gives a glimpse of the Punjabi dialect spoken in Sangrur Tahsil. It contains a detailed list of typical Punjabi words spoken in Badrukha area in Sangrur Tahsil For example they, pronounce Baba for Wva i.e., they will pronounce Habba instead of Hawa. In many cases, they omit the pronunciation of Hah. For instance, they pronounce Neri and Mina instead of Haneri and Mahina. Further Dhada is spoken as Tatta and Bhabha is pronounced as Pappa. In some cases they omit the accent of m. for example they pronounce Dash Shaman for Akash and (Asman). Sometimes they make a combination of two words. They will say Makhai for Mein Akhia. Taitte Maittu instead of Tainu Mainu is typical trait of the Punjabi language spoken in Sangrur spoken in Sangrur Tahsil.

The language of people of Barnala Tahsil is typical malwai, their dialect resembles to much extent with the dialect of people of Bathinda District they generally say Goli Di Mar for a very short distance, and Rasu-ku-Din for a small fraction of day. They speak Shup instead of Sup Snakes. The people of Barnala Tahsil generally pronounce sha Sasa. For Wva they pronounce buba i.e., they will speak Bachha for Vachha. Further they speak te for Cee. For instance instead of Gya cee they say Gia te. Some typical Punjabi words spoken in this area are given as under:

Sub rassa Lot (sahi) Gadiri (chhotti gaddi) Madd (dhid) Rakaan(Sare guna wali Aurat) Kandholi Kandholi (chotti Kandh) Bain (Surang).

In Barnala Tahsil the dialect of the people of Tapa area his also some deviations from the language of the rest of the tahsil area. Some typical words spoken in this area are given below:

(gap vadhna (gup marna)

baanda (wingian tungan wala)

lagwaun (lagouna)

Jhammna (Khanna)

Moreover, there are certain families in Tapa proper which have their own typical code language. For instance while at home they may speak:

Mapneh Tupneh Mapneh Nun, Ropnauti Dapneh De

(Mann Too Mainu Toti De De)

Further, the language of the people of Sunam Tahsil is entirely different from the language of the other tahsils in the district. In Sunam and its surrounding villages Punjabi is spoken. The language of the people of Sunam Tahsil touching Patiala border resembles much with the language of the people of Patiala District. They frequently use words (Gail Gail) which means alongwith. Another words often used by them is ( Bich men) which simply means “on”. As we move towards Moonak and Khanouri, a little impact of Bangru dialect is observed, though its affinity to Punjabi is not lost. Some typical words spoken in Sunam Tahsil are given below:

(Thayee-Dharamshala)

(Lawe-Nerhe)

(Kitaur Chale-Kithe Chale)

(Ure aa roh – Idhar aa ja)

(Kethe gya sein—Kithe gaya cee)

Under the Punjab Official Language Act, 1967, Punjabi in the Gurumukhi script became the official language of the State on the occasion of Baisakhi (13 April) 1968. Accordingly, the official work at the district level and below is done largely in Punjabi. Since Punjabi has been given the place of official language, people of the area show a greater enthusiasm for the study of this language which is widely read, spoken and written in the district. Virtually, Punjabi is the mother-tongue of all the people of the district. Moreover, daily newspapers in Punjabi which are now published in large scale and read by a large number of people, have also contributed a lot to the development of Punjabi language in the district. The extensive study and reading of the written Punjabi language have also moulded the dialect of the people to some extent.

(c) Religion and Caste

Principal Communities

The total population of the district, according to the 1971 Census, was 11,46,650. The Sikhs accounted for 66.90 per cent of the total population. The Hindus are 27.14 per cent of the total population. The Muslim formed the third religious community in the district with 5.62 per cent of the total population.

The religion-wise population of the district according to the 1971 Census, was as under:

			Persons		Males		Females
Religion	Percent age to the total populati-on	Total	Rural	Urban	Rural	Urban	Rural	Urban
Sikhs	66.90	7,67,071	6,87,118	79,953	3,76,098	43,150	3,11,020	36,803
Hindus	27.14	3,11,197	1,94,178	1,17,019	1,05,247	62,103	88,931	54,916
Muslims	5.62	64,448	31,392	31,392	16,928	17,503	14,464	15,553
Christi-ans	0.07	806	553	253	290	132	263	121
Jains	0.26	2,982	388	2,594	184	1,361	204	1,233
Budhists	…	12	…	12	…	5	…	7
Religion not stated	0.01	134	125	9	83	6	42	3
Total	100.00	11,46,650	9,13,754	2,32,896	4,98,830	1,24,260	4,14,924	1,08,636

(Census of India, 1971, Part II C (I) and Part V-A, Distribution of population by Religion and Scheduled Castes, p.20)

Hindus

The number of Hindus in the district, according to the 1971 Census, was 3,11,197 (1,67,350 males and 1,43,847 females), which formed 27.14 per cent of the total population.

There are many temples of Hindus in the district. The Hindus are often seen going to the temples of Shiva, Narain, Devi etc., in the mornings and in the evenings. They worship their gods and goddesses with flowers and sandal, singing bhajans or hymns, ringing bells, and holding a lighted lamp with four wicks in their hands. This ceremony is called arti utarna. The worshippers receive charnamat or holy water, leaves of the tulsi plants and some patashas, called Devi ke bhog or parshad. The worship of papal tree and of Mohammadan saints are also common among the Hindus. They have great reverence for the Sikh gurus and do go to the gurudwaras, particularly on the occasion of gurpurbs. On these occasions, they also participate in the langar at gurudwaras.

Caste is a distinctive feature of the Hindus. The castes and sub-castes found in the district are: Brahmans, Khatris, Jats, Rajputs, and Banias.

Brahmans. – The Brahmans in the district are mostly from the Saraswati and Gaur stock. The saraswats derive this name from the River Sarasvati. The Gaurs originally migrated from Uttar Pradesh. The Saraswats are divided into Dhai Gharas, Athwans and Baunjais. The distinction among these groups has disappeared and they now intermarry. The Brahmans are a handsome, and literate community and are engaged in government and private services, business and agriculture. A small number of them perform priestly duties. In the erstwhile Jind State, the Brahmans were given preference in Government services.

Khatris. – Khatris trace their origin from the Kshatriyas. Whatever be their origin, their customs, taboos, etc. of the past times are no longer there. In short, they intermarry within the group or outside the group, but, like other Hindus, within their sub-castes. They are of good indisposition and generally literate. They are engaged in trade, commerce, industry, private and government services, and also join the army.

Banias. – The word ‘Bania’ is dervid from the Sanskrit word ‘banijya’ or trade. As the name implies, they are primiarily a trading class. They have deep rooted links in trade, commerce and industry. Since they are able to carve out enviable fortune in business, they generally desist from the temptation of joining services. They are traders par excellence, as this class has been engaged in business since generations. Their main sub-castes are Aggarwal, Oswal, Maheshwari, Saralia or Dasa. They trace their origin from Agroha in the Hissar District and claim to be the descendants of Raja Ugarsen. The most prevalent sub-castes of Banias in the district are Garg, Goyal, Jindal, Bansal, Singla and Mittal.

Scheduled Castes and Backward Classes. – The number people belonging to Scheduled Castes in the district according to 1981 Census, was 3,59,259 (1,94,034 males and 1,65,225 females), which formed 25.47 per cent of the total population. These are divided in groups, sub-groups, castes and sub-castes. Previously, like others, they did not marry in other groups but this rigidity is on the wane these days. A list of their castes and sub-castes is given in Chapter XVII, ‘Other Social Services’. Formerly, their avocations were restricted and they could not change them. Things have, however, changed after independence. The Scheduled Castes and Backward Classes are now at liberty to adopt any profession they like. They are engaged in trade, commerce, industry, private and government services including police and even in the armed forces. Since 25 per cent of the civil posts are reserved for them, the literate Scheduled Castes find it more lucrative to join civil services, where, if fulfilling the necessary conditions, they are entitled to reservation in appointments and promotions. Illiterate Scheduled Castes, however are generally engaged in agriculture. Before independence, they were not allowed to own land but all restrictions in this regard have been dispensed with under the Constitution of India. They can now purchase land or any other immovable or movable property just as other members of the society can acquire property anywhere in the country. according to government policies, the surplus land with the government is being allotted to them at a nominal price.

Jains. – According to the 1971 Census, the Jains numbered 2,982 (1,545 males and 1,437 females) forming only 0.26 per cent of the total population of the district. Jainism is essentially a faith of Indian origin and is still popular in the country. it has had twenty-four leaders called Tirthankaras. The first of these was Rishabha, while a senior contemporary of Lord Budha, was the last Tirthankara.

Jainism preaches the observance of doctrine of non-violence (ahinsa) in a very scrupulous manner. Violence, which covers killing, wounding and causing any physical pain; violence in words and violence through ill feeling towards others. Besides, there are seven vows which help to develop n a person the good qualities of self-restraint, self denial, and self-renunciation. In addition, there are five ordinary vows for layman, viz. not to kill, not to lie, not the steal, to abstain from sex and to renounce property. These vows according to Jain’s tradition, are called Annvratas.

There is a Jains Sweitambar Tara Panthi Sabha, Sangrur. It was formed about 220 years back for religious preaching especially, the teachings of Lord Mahavir. Morning prapers are held everyday at the Sabha building. In every ‘Chaturmas’ (four month period), from the end of July to the end of November every years, Saints or nuns stay for four months for the religious preachings.

Gujjars. – Both Hindus and Muslim Gujjars are found in Sangrur District. Muslim Gujjars are found in large number in and around Malerkotla. Their main avocation is to rear the milch cattle and sell milk.

There are dhai gots of Gujjars-Kasna, Gursi and Barkat but there is no restriction in respect of marriage within these gots. A Gujjar can marry within his own got or in any other. Other chief gots in this district are Chechi, Bhubhe, Pajar and Chauhan.

Rajputs. – In the present district of Sangrur, Rajputs are in a very small number. The rigid gradation among the Rajputs has waned, though it might carry some conviction with the older generation. At present, the Rajputs of all grades contract marriages in their own as well as in other grades. Rajputs were essentially from the ruling class. Since they were from the royal stock, their standard of living, expenses on marriages and other rituals were very high. Their superiority complex would prevent them from cultivating land. Even if circumstances forced them to resort to farming, they would not perform many agricultural operations themselves. Their women would never come out to assist their menfolk, would never fetch water from the well and nor would they attend to menial jobs. Conseqently, the Rajputs had to part with a sizeable portion of their produce to others, the produce left with them being hardly sufficient for their subsistence. Their condition was going from had to worse. Their sound physique and warlike spirit have, however earned them many jobs in the army. There, they could show their worth and were able to justify their position in the armed forces.

Today, the Rajputs continue to serve in the armed forces but are also engaged in agriculture and government service. They have little aptitude for trade and commerce.

Sikhs. According to the 1971 Census, the Sikhs in the district numbered 7,67,071 (4,19,248 males and 3,47,823 females) forming 66.90 per cent of the total population.

Founded by Guru Nanak Dev (1469-1539 A. D.), Sikhsm is a thoroughly modern and progressive religion. Its main principle is the worship of one invisible God. The main tenets of the religion are universal toleration, acts of benevolence, self-denial and equal social and political rights for all.

Sikhs believe in the karma and the transmigration of the soul. Sikhism attaches great importance to the institution of langar or free kitchen, according to which the high and low have to sit side by side and dine together, thereby annihilating all distinction of caste and creed. Every Sikh to become a “Singh” (lion) has to partake Amrit, the baptism of the sword (khanda). After baptism, he has essentially to wear the five Ks,’ viz. the keshas (unshorn hair), the Kachha (Short drawers), the Kangha (comb) the Kara (Iron bangle) and the Kirpan (Sword). The Sikhs venerate ten Gurus and their holy book, the Granth Sahib.

The Namdharis constitute an important seet of Sikhs. Although they have full faith in the ten Sikh Gurus, they believe that personal guruship is necessary and will continue. The headquarters of the Namdharis are at village Bhaini Sahib in Ludhiana District and their present guru is Baba Jagjit Singh. A branch of the main headquaters has been opened recently at Jiwan Nagar in the Sirsa District (Haryana). They wear white turbans, tied in a conspicuous and distinctive manner and keep a rosary around the neck. They cook and take their meals in iron utensils.

The peasants of the Punjab State in Majha, Doaba and Malwa are mostly Sikhs and are known as jats. A special mention is to be made of the Jats inhabiting this district. After partition, the non-Muslim cultivators, mostly Sikhs, from Pakistan, settled here. They belong to different gots (sub-castes) which are described in detail in the account that follows.

Jats. – Jats, who are muscular, shout, tall (those attaining hight of six feet among the mare not uncommon) handsome, with reddish brown complexion and generally long lived. Besides, being good husbandmen they make excellent soldiers, as they still possess the military sprite infused by Guru Gobind Singh. Sangrur, the headquarters of the district was also founded by a jat named ‘Sanghu’.

The important jat gots in the district are: Sidhu, Gill, Aujla, Dhaliwal, Dhillon, Grewal, Chahal, Sandhu, Bhangu, Sanghera, Cheema, Kahlon, Khangura. However, in the village of Bhawanigarh Sub-Tahsil Ghuman, are in large number, whereas Sidhu, Gill, Aujla, Dhaliwal, Poonia Kmbog and Dhillon jats dominate in sunam Tahsil. there are many chahal jats in lehragaga Sub-Tahsil. The Sidhu and Dulat Jats dominate in Longowal Sub-Tahsil. It may be mentioned here that shaheed Bhai Mani Singh was a Dulat Jat of Longowal. The Mann, Sidhu, Dhilon, Grewal, Kahlon, Chahal, Sohal live in the village around Dhanaula. However, there is a larger number of Sidhu and Sandhu Jats in Barnala proper. The other gots of jats Sikhs in Barnala Tahsil are Dhaliwal, Bhangu and Cheema. The Sekhon and Sandhu Jats are in a large number in Sangrur Tahsil. In Malerkotla Tahsil, the Gill, Grewal, Chahal, Sandhu and Dhindsa Jats dominate.

Kambohs. – The Kambohs are among the finest cultivating castes in Punjab and inhabit the district in good number. In sunam proper, it is Kmbohs who dominate. Shaheed Udham Singh was also a Kamboh of Sunam.

Sainis. – In large number of Sainis are found in Gurdaspur, Hoshiarpur and Rupnagar districts of the State, but they are found in small number in the Sangrur District as well. They also rank among the best agriculturists. They own small holdings of land. Further, they are experts in cultivation of vegetables and gardens. Their women-folk also help them in agricultural operations. While ploughing and harvesting are carried out by men, it is the women who weed the fields, watch the crops and take the daily meals to their menfolk in the field.

The Sainis are also very skilful and industrious cultivators. They produce three or four crops in a year from the same land. Sainis are found both among Hindus and Sikhs. They are found in good number in Moonak Sub-Tahsil of Sunam Tahsil.

Sansis. – The ancestors of Sanis were once stated to be called “Sursenas” and the Yadu Rajputs of Mathura. From the Yadus descended the Bhatti Rajputs. The Bhatti Rajputs flourished in Rajasthan for some centuries before Muslim invasions and particularly before the invasion of Ala-ud-Din Khilji, who ransacked Chittor, and drove away some recalcitrant Rajputs. Of them, the Bhatti Rajputs wandered towards the Punjab. Of this stock, among others, there was a Sansi tribe named after its leader “Raja Sansmal or Sensi”. This tribe kept wandering about for five centuries. Some of them settled in Firozpur and Bathinda districts and other parts of the Punjab. Kirtu Sansi and Raja Sansi of the Sansi tribe were very prominent and powerful.

Sansis are both Hindus and Sikhs. They speak their own dialect and have their own customs, though they are now adopting fast the Hindu and Sikh customs. In Sangrur District, they are mostly Sikhs though intermarry with Hindu Sansis. The notable castes of the Sansis inhabiting the district are Chohan and Nirmals.

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